Midwest Bureau Archives - KFF Health News https://kffhealthnews.org/topics/states/midwest-bureau/ Fri, 18 Oct 2024 16:28:03 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.5.5 https://kffhealthnews.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=32 Midwest Bureau Archives - KFF Health News https://kffhealthnews.org/topics/states/midwest-bureau/ 32 32 161476233 Helene and CVS Land Double Whammy for 25,000 Patients Who Survive on IV Nutrition https://kffhealthnews.org/news/article/hurricane-helene-cvs-coram-parenteral-iv-fluids/ Fri, 18 Oct 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://kffhealthnews.org/?post_type=article&p=1931278 The CVS representative popped into Lisa Trumble’s third-floor Berkshire Medical Center hospital room in Pittsfield, Massachusetts, to announce that everything was arranged for Trumble to return home, where she relies on IV nutrition because of severe intestinal problems that leave her unable to eat.

That was on Tuesday, Oct. 8. The next morning a social worker and a doctor woke Trumble to say her discharge was canceled. CVS would no longer provide her home nutrition, and she had to stay in the hospital. “I was dropped between Tuesday night and Wednesday morning with no care for my life or my health,” Trumble said from her hospital bed eight days later.

After this article was published, on Oct. 18, Trumble said she was being discharged, after her caregivers found a replacement service. “I’m just afraid their supplies will run out,” she said. “My backup plan is always to go back to the hospital.”

Trumble is among 25,000 U.S. patients whose survival depends on parenteral nutrition, or PN — IV bags containing life-sustaining amino acids, sugars, fats, vitamins, and electrolytes. Hurricane Helene wrecked a factory in North Carolina that produced 60% of the fluids their sustenance is mixed from. About two weeks later, CVS announced that its Coram division, a leading infusion pharmacy, was exiting the PN and IV antibiotics business.

The hurricane led Baxter International to ration its dwindling supplies. Pharmacies that supply Trumble and other patients like her were already plagued by shortages, and the rationing means the remaining infusion pharmacies can’t take on the customers cut off by CVS, said David Seres, director of medical nutrition at Columbia University Medical Center in New York.

At the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minnesota, seven or eight patients were ready to go home Tuesday but couldn’t be discharged because no infusion company would accept them, said Manpreet Mundi, a Mayo endocrinologist. The patients would fall ill within a day or two without this nutrition, he said.

By Oct. 18, home supplies had been located for all but a few of them, Mundi said. “A lot of public pressure” on Coram was starting to have an effect, he said.

Although the FDA is allowing emergency imports of IV fluids wiped out by Helene, as well as production of some of the fluids by U.S. compounding pharmacies, it’s unclear how long it will take to replenish supplies, said Mundi, who is a board member of the American Society for Parenteral and Enteral Nutrition and medical adviser to the Oley Foundation, which advocates for PN patients. “We’re trying to raise awareness that this could get worse before it gets better,” he said.

The patients who rely on PN have a variety of conditions that render them unable to digest food. Some have congenital abnormalities or disorders like Crohn’s disease that led to surgical removal of bowel sections. Others were scarred by cancer, car accidents, or gunfire, or are preemies born with underdeveloped intestines. In most patients, the fluid is pumped through a catheter into a large vein near the heart.

A crisis hit this community two years ago when CVS Health announced that it was shutting half of the 71 Coram pharmacies.

CVS, which recently announced nearly 3,000 layoffs amid reports of a possible restructuring, on Oct. 8 began telling its remaining 800 to 1,000 PN customers that they would have to find other infusion pharmacies. A news release provided to KFF Health News suggested the phaseout would last into January, but for patients like Trumble, the impact was immediate.

Highly specialized infusion medicine is “a challenging environment” for all companies “and Coram has not been immune to these challenges,” the CVS release said. “As such, we have reevaluated our service offerings.”

When asked about Trumble’s case, CVS Health spokesperson Mike DeAngelis said the company would “try to resolve it.” The next day, a company called Optum stepped in to replace Coram, Trumble said.

It’s hard enough normally for such patients to find new suppliers for their materials, which can include 120 pounds of IV fluid per week.

Coram’s departure “made a big crisis that much worse,” Mundi said. “It’s become kind of a double whammy.”

The Baxter International North Cove plant produced most of the country’s high-concentration dextrose, a major source of energy for PN patients, as well as saline solution and sterile water, also vital supplies. A week after Helene hit, Hurricane Milton threatened sterile IV fluid supplier B. Braun Medical’s facility in Daytona Beach, Florida. The federal government helped truck 60 loads of the company’s inventory to a safe location, but the plant was spared the storm’s worst. It restarted production on Oct. 11.

That was a huge relief for Beth Gore, CEO of the Oley Foundation. She, her husband, and their six adopted children braved the storm’s seven hours of lashing wind in their home near Ruskin, Florida. Milton wrecked a car and part of the roof, but the family prayed through it all and somehow never lost power, though their neighbors did, Gore said. That kept the IV fluids fresh and the internet on, which calmed the kids.

Coram has supplied her youngest son, 15-year-old Manny, with PN for 13 years, and the family will need to find another supplier, she said.

“There’s been no relief” since Coram reduced its services in 2022, Gore said. “Now there’s this new twist.”

Her son gets care through Medicaid, whose reimbursement provides barely break-even margins for many infusion pharmacies, she said. Insurance limits, state licensing differences, and highly specific nutritional needs pose challenges for patients seeking new IV suppliers in the best of times, she said.

The FDA announced Oct. 9 that it would allow Baxter to import emergency supplies from Canada, China, Ireland, and the U.K. In the meantime, Baxter is prioritizing hospital patients over the home infusion companies — which lack backup supplies, Mundi said.

“We’re all on the phone 24/7,” said Kathleen Gura, president-elect of the American Society for Parenteral and Enteral Nutrition and pharmacy clinical research program manager at Boston Children’s Hospital. Her team is struggling to find new suppliers of IV nutrition at home for the 20 Coram patients among the 150 she sees.

“Some kids have a situation where they can’t absorb at all through their intestines and will die of dehydration if they can’t get IV,” Gura said.

The IV fluids lost in the Baxter disaster are key to all kinds of inpatient care. Many U.S. hospitals are conserving fluid by giving some patients oral hydration instead of IVs, or by delaying surgeries, said Soumi Saha, senior vice president of government affairs at Premier, which negotiates group hospital purchases.

President Joe Biden has invoked the Defense Production Act, which will enable the government to order companies to prioritize rebuilding the Baxter plant.

The military is flying in supplies from Baxter plants overseas, Saha said. Premier has also asked the FDA to put additional PN ingredients on its shortage list, which would allow large compounding facilities to produce the materials.

Ellie Rogers, 17, of Simpsonville, South Carolina, fears the worst if she can’t get her supplies. She suffers from a host of immunological and neurological ailments that require her to get four liters of IV fluid daily to stay alive, she said.

Her supplier, an Option Care Health pharmacy in South Carolina, informed the family Oct. 14 that instead of her weekly supply it was sending her enough bags for a day or two. “They really don’t know when they’re going to get what they need,” she said. Reducing the infusions in the past has led to dizziness, nausea, and pooling of her blood that “felt like my veins were going to explode.”

On Oct. 7, Crohn’s disease patient Hannah Hale’s infusion pharmacy called and said it couldn’t fill her standing weekly order of IV bags, urging her to find a new pharmacy.

“I called 14 infusion pharmacies and haven’t been able to find anyone to take me,” said the Dallas 37-year-old. She suffers from weight loss and low blood sugar, and rationing her supplies raises dangers of seizures or coma, she said.

Trumble, 52, who started on PN 13 months ago because of colon cancer and severe intestinal issues, said she was grateful to the hospital and gets excellent care there, but missed her mother, son, and 8-year-old grandson, Jordan — and her cats — during her 17-day hospitalization.

What’s worse, Trumble said, her mother and son, who get Medicaid payments to care for her, weren’t paid while she was away.

But without IV nutrition at home, she said, “I’d starve.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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Super Bowl Rally Shooting Victims Pick Up Pieces, but Gun Violence Haunts Their Lives https://kffhealthnews.org/news/article/super-bowl-rally-parade-survivors-gun-violence-trauma-panic-anxiety/ Thu, 17 Oct 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://kffhealthnews.org/?post_type=article&p=1930617 KFF Health News and KCUR are following the stories of people injured during the Feb. 14 mass shooting at the Kansas City Chiefs Super Bowl celebration. Listen to how survivors are seeking a sense of safety.

KANSAS CITY, Mo. — Twenty-four minutes before the mass shooting at the Kansas City Chiefs Super Bowl victory parade in February left one person dead and at least 24 people injured, Jenipher Cabrera felt a bullet pierce the back of her right thigh.

The 20-year-old and her family were just four blocks from Union Station, in a river of red-shirted Chiefs fans walking toward the massive rally after the parade that warm Valentine’s Day. The bullet — fired by teen boys fighting in the street — thrust Cabrera forward.

She grabbed her mom by the shoulder and signaled in panic to her bleeding leg with her large brown eyes, not saying a word. Cabrera was being treated in an ambulance when she heard reports blasting from the police radio.

“My mom was trying to get on the ambulance,” Cabrera said. “I remember them saying, like, ‘You can’t get on. There might be other victims that we need to pick up.’”

Cabrera’s shooting happened before the one that garnered the big headlines that day and is one of hundreds that kill or injure Kansas City-area residents each year. That endless drumbeat of gun violence — from one-off incidents to mass shootings — has shattered the sense of safety for those who survive. As victims and their families try to move forward, reminders of gun violence are inescapable in the media, in their communities, in their daily lives.

“I look at people differently,” said James Lemons, who was shot in the thigh at the rally. Now when he’s around strangers he can’t help but wonder if they have a gun and if his kids are safe.

The new NFL season opened here with a moment of silence for Lisa Lopez-Galvan, the only person killed at the parade. Kansas City has recorded at least 124 homicides this year. Local police say there have been an additional 476 “bullet-to-skin victims” — people who were shot and survived. And there were at least 50 school shootings nationwide by mid-September.

Collectively it is all taking a toll.

Survivors suffer panic attacks and feel a heightened sense of danger in crowds and deep anxieties about the threat of violence anywhere in Kansas City.

Every shooting survivor responds in their own way to gun violence and even the threat of it, according to LJ Punch, a trauma surgeon by training and founder of the Bullet Related Injury Clinic in St. Louis.

For some, getting shot ensures they will always be on guard, perhaps even armed. Others want nothing to do with guns ever again.

“But what’s the common ground? That people desperately want to be safe,” Punch said.

Cabrera’s search to make meaning out of what happened has led her to work with a frustrated local lawmaker seeking new gun laws — something akin to impossible given Missouri state law, which prohibits nearly any local restrictions on firearms.

Learning of Other Shootings on the Phone

Feb. 14 is a movie in Cabrera’s mind, in slow motion, frame by frame, and the soundtrack is her voice, talking and talking. She sees a group of rowdy teenage boys running around her and her family. Then two pops — fireworks? Another pop. Finally, a fourth.

“I think that’s where the shock kicked in, and I grabbed my mom,” Cabrera remembered. “I didn’t say anything to her. I just, like, looked at her, and I had, like, my eyes were widened, and I kind of signaled with my eyes to look down at my leg.”

Cabrera fell and other fans rushed to her rescue, calling 911, and began cutting off her leggings. Four men instantly pulled off their belts when asked for a tourniquet. She remembers thinking that if she lost consciousness, she could die. So she talked and talked. Or so she thought.

One of her rescuers later said she actually didn’t say a word even when he asked how many fingers he was holding up.

“He told me [that] my eyes were huge, like oranges, and that all I was basically doing was, like, looking up and down four times since he had four fingers up,” Cabrera said.

Cabrera remembers being moved out of the emergency room at University Health to make room for 12 people who came in from the shooting at the rally, including eight with gunshot wounds. She checked social media on her phone — another shooting? Unreal. Finally her parents found her. She spent seven days in the hospital.

Cabrera is grateful to be alive. But she is triggered now when she sees groups of teenage boys cursing and playing, or when she sees red Chiefs shirts. Hearing four pops in a row — a regular occurrence in her northeast Kansas City neighborhood — makes Cabrera’s chest swell and she braces for a panic attack.

“It runs over and over and over and over in my mind,” she said.

‘An Increasing Sense of Threat?’

The U.S. surgeon general declared gun violence a public health crisis in June, but nearly any new regulation on guns is a political nonstarter in Missouri. In fact, a 2021 state law — signed at the Kansas City-area gun store where one of the weapons used in the parade shooting was purchased — would have barred local police from enforcing federal gun laws. The law was struck down by a federal appeals court in August.

Missouri has no age restrictions on gun use and possession, although federal law largely prohibits juveniles from carrying handguns.

Polling of Missouri voters shows support for requiring background checks and instituting age restrictions for gun purchases, but also nearly half were opposed to allowing counties and cities to pass their own gun rules.

Per capita, Kansas City, Missouri, is among the more violent places in the nation. From 2014 to 2023, there were at least 2,175 shootings in this city of 510,000, leaving 1,275 people dead and 1,624 injured. And while murder rates fell in more than 100 cities across the country last year, Kansas City recorded its deadliest year on record.

Shared with permission from The Trace.

Punch, of the Bullet Related Injury Clinic, likened the violence to a disease outbreak that goes unaddressed and spreads. The state’s permissive posture toward guns might supercharge the reality in Kansas City, Punch said, but it didn’t start it.

“So is there something going on? Is there an increasing sense of threat?” Punch asked.

Jason Barton was familiar with that violence growing up in Kansas City. Now settled in Osawatomie, Kansas, he thought long and hard about bringing his own gun for protection when he drove his family to the Super Bowl parade.

Ultimately he decided against it, surmising that if something happened and he pulled out a gun, he would be arrested or shot.

Barton responded quickly to the shooting, which happened right in front of him and his family. His wife found a bullet in her backpack. His stepdaughter’s legs were burned by sparks from a bullet ricochet.

Despite his worst fears coming true, Barton said not bringing his gun that day was the right decision.

“Guns don’t need to be brought into places like that,” he said.

‘A 12-Gauge With Teeth’

Mass shootings can derail survivors’ sense of safety, according to Heather Martin, a survivor of the Columbine High School shooting in 1999 and co-founder of The Rebels Project, which provides peer support to survivors of mass trauma.

“Trying to find a way to feel safe again is very common,” Martin said, “in the years following it.”

James Lemons had always felt trepidation about returning to Kansas City, where he grew up. He even brought his gun with him to the parade but left it in the car at the urging of his wife. His 5-year-old daughter was on his shoulders when a bullet entered the back of his thigh. He shielded her from the ground as he fell. What was he realistically going to do with a gun?

And yet he can’t help but wonder “what if.” He can’t shake the feeling that he failed to protect his family. Waking up from dreams about the parade, “I just start crying,” he said. He knows he hasn’t processed it yet but he doesn’t know how to start. He has focused on his family’s safety.

They got two American bulldogs this summer, making three total in the house now — one for each kid. Lemons described them as “like having a gun without having a gun.”

“I’ve got a 12-gauge with teeth,” Lemons joked, “just a big, softy protector.”

Most nights he sleeps only a few hours at a time before waking up to check on the kids. Usually he’s on the couch. It’s more comfortable for his leg that is still healing, and it helps him avoid the restless kicks of his 5-year-old, who has slept with her parents since the parade.

It also ensures he’ll be the one to intercept an intruder who breaks into the house.

Emily Tavis, who was shot through the leg, found solace at her church and from a sister congregation’s in-house therapist.

But then, the Sunday morning after the Donald Trump rally shooting in July, the preacher’s sermon turned to gun violence — triggering panic inside her.

“And it just, like, overwhelmed me so much, where I just went to the bathroom,” Tavis said, “and I just stayed in the bathroom for the rest of the sermon.” Now even attending church gives her pause.

Tavis recently moved into a new house in Leavenworth, Kansas, that she is renting from a friend. The friend’s husband cautioned that if Tavis was going to be alone she needed a gun for protection. She told him she just can’t deal with guns right now.

“And he’s like, ‘OK, well, take this.’ And he pulls out this giant machete,” Tavis recalled, laughing.

“So I have a machete now.”

A Search for Something Good

Cabrera, the young woman who couldn’t speak after being shot, is now trying to use her voice in the fight against gun violence.

Manny Abarca, a Jackson County, Missouri, legislator, lives down the street. One evening, he came to visit. Cabrera’s parents did most of the talking; she’s shy by nature. But then he turned and asked her directly: What did she want?

“I just want, like, some justice for my case,” she said, “or something good to happen.”

Before the parade, Cabrera was offered a factory job where her sister worked, but she hadn’t started because her leg was still healing. So Abarca offered her an internship, helping him establish a Jackson County Office of Gun Violence Prevention, a plan he introduced in July in response to the parade shootings.

Abarca was in the Chiefs victory parade with his 5-year-old daughter, Camila. They were in Union Station when shots were fired — and they huddled in a downstairs bathroom.

“I just said, ‘Hey, you know, just be calm. Just be quiet. Let’s just find out what’s going on. Something’s happened,’” Abarca said. “And then she said, ‘This is a drill.’ And hey, it tore everything out of me, because I was like, she’s referring to her training” at school.

They emerged shaken but safe, only to learn that Lopez-Galvan had died. Abarca knew the 43-year-old mother and popular Tejano DJ through the area’s tight-knit Hispanic community.

Abarca has taken advantage of this heated time after the Super Bowl parade shootings to work on anti-violence measures, despite knowing the severe limitations posed by state law.

In June, the Jackson County Legislature passed a measure that gives local teeth to a federal domestic violence law that allows judges to remove firearms from offenders.

But Abarca hasn’t been able to get the gun violence office approved, and county officials have refused to take up another measure that would establish age limits for purchasing or possessing firearms, fearing a lawsuit from a combative state attorney general. He hired Cabrera, he said, because she is bilingual and he wants her help as a survivor.

In a sense, the work makes Cabrera feel stronger in her fight to move forward from the shooting. Still, her family’s perception of safety has been shattered, and no one will be attending games or a possible Super Bowl victory parade anytime soon.

“We just never expected something like that to happen,” she said. “And so I think we’re gonna be more cautious now and maybe just watch it through TV.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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Older Men’s Connections Often Wither When They’re on Their Own https://kffhealthnews.org/news/article/older-men-connections-isolation-loneliness-navigating-aging/ Thu, 10 Oct 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://kffhealthnews.org/?post_type=article&p=1917945 At age 66, South Carolina physician Paul Rousseau decided to retire after tending for decades to the suffering of people who were seriously ill or dying. It was a difficult and emotionally fraught transition.

“I didn’t know what I was going to do, where I was going to go,” he told me, describing a period of crisis that began in 2017.

Seeking a change of venue, Rousseau moved to the mountains of North Carolina, the start of an extended period of wandering. Soon, a sense of emptiness enveloped him. He had no friends or hobbies — his work as a doctor had been all-consuming. Former colleagues didn’t get in touch, nor did he reach out.

His wife had passed away after a painful illness a decade earlier. Rousseau was estranged from one adult daughter and in only occasional contact with another. His isolation mounted as his three dogs, his most reliable companions, died.

Rousseau was completely alone — without friends, family, or a professional identity — and overcome by a sense of loss.

“I was a somewhat distinguished physician with a 60-page resume,” Rousseau, now 73, wrote in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society in May. “Now, I’m ‘no one,’ a retired, forgotten old man who dithers away the days.”

In some ways, older men living alone are disadvantaged compared with older women in similar circumstances. Research shows that men tend to have fewer friends than women and be less inclined to make new friends. Often, they’re reluctant to ask for help.

“Men have a harder time being connected and reaching out,” said Robert Waldinger, a psychiatrist who directs the Harvard Study of Adult Development, which has traced the arc of hundreds of men’s lives over a span of more than eight decades. The men in the study who fared the worst, Waldinger said, “didn’t have friendships and things they were interested in — and couldn’t find them.” He recommends that men invest in their “social fitness” in addition to their physical fitness to ensure they have satisfying social interactions.

Slightly more than 1 in every 5 men ages 65 to 74 live alone, according to 2022 Census Bureau data. That rises to nearly 1 in 4 for those 75 or older. Nearly 40% of these men are divorced, 31% are widowed, and 21% never married.

That’s a significant change from 2000, when only 1 in 6 older men lived by themselves. Longer life spans for men and rising divorce rates are contributing to the trend. It’s difficult to find information about this group — which is dwarfed by the number of women who live alone — because it hasn’t been studied in depth. But psychologists and psychiatrists say these older men can be quite vulnerable.

When men are widowed, their health and well-being tend to decline more than women’s.

“Older men have a tendency to ruminate, to get into our heads with worries and fears and to feel more lonely and isolated,” said Jed Diamond, 80, a therapist and the author of “Surviving Male Menopause” and “The Irritable Male Syndrome.”

Add in the decline of civic institutions where men used to congregate — think of the Elks or the Shriners — and older men’s reduced ability to participate in athletic activities, and the result is a lack of stimulation and the loss of a sense of belonging.

Depression can ensue, fueling excessive alcohol use, accidents, or, in the most extreme cases, suicide. Of all age groups in the United States, men over age 75 have the highest suicide rate, by far.

For this column, I spoke at length to several older men who live alone. All but two (who’d been divorced) were widowed. Their experiences don’t represent all men who live alone. But still, they’re revealing.

The first person I called was Art Koff, 88, of Chicago, a longtime marketing executive I’d known for several years. When I reached out in January, I learned that Koff’s wife, Norma, had died the year before, leaving him hobbled by grief. Uninterested in eating and beset by unremitting loneliness, Koff lost 45 pounds.

“I’ve had a long and wonderful life, and I have lots of family and lots of friends who are terrific,” Koff told me. But now, he said, “nothing is of interest to me any longer.”

“I’m not happy living this life,” he said.

Nine days later, I learned that Koff had died. His nephew, Alexander Koff, said he had passed out and was gone within a day. The death certificate cited “end stage protein calorie malnutrition” as the cause.

The transition from being coupled to being single can be profoundly disorienting for older men. Lodovico Balducci, 80, was married to his wife, Claudia, for 52 years before she died in October 2023. Balducci, a renowned physician known as the “patriarch of geriatric oncology,” wrote about his emotional reaction in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society, likening Claudia’s death to an “amputation.”

“I find myself talking to her all the time, most of the time in my head,” Balducci told me in a phone conversation. When I asked him whom he confides in, he admitted, “Maybe I don’t have any close friends.”

Disoriented and disorganized since Claudia died, he said his “anxiety has exploded.”

We spoke in late February. Two weeks later, Balducci moved from Tampa to New Orleans, to be near his son and daughter-in-law and their two teenagers.

“I am planning to help as much as possible with my grandchildren,” he said. “Life has to go on.”

Verne Ostrander, a carpenter in the small town of Willits, California, about 140 miles north of San Francisco, was reflective when I spoke with him, also in late February. His second wife, Cindy Morninglight, died four years ago after a long battle with cancer.

“Here I am, almost 80 years old — alone,” Ostrander said. “Who would have guessed?”

When Ostrander isn’t painting watercolors, composing music, or playing guitar, “I fall into this lonely state, and I cry quite a bit,” he told me. “I don’t ignore those feelings. I let myself feel them. It’s like therapy.”

Ostrander has lived in Willits for nearly 50 years and belongs to a men’s group and a couples’ group that’s been meeting for 20 years. He’s in remarkably good health and in close touch with his three adult children, who live within easy driving distance.

“The hard part of living alone is missing Cindy,” he told me. “The good part is the freedom to do whatever I want. My goal is to live another 20 to 30 years and become a better artist and get to know my kids when they get older.”

The Rev. Johnny Walker, 76, lives in a low-income apartment building in a financially challenged neighborhood on Chicago’s West Side. Twice divorced, he’s been on his own for five years. He, too, has close family connections. At least one of his several children and grandchildren checks in on him every day.

Walker says he had a life-changing religious conversion in 1993. Since then, he has depended on his faith and his church for a sense of meaning and community.

“It’s not hard being alone,” Walker said when I asked whether he was lonely. “I accept Christ in my life, and he said that he would never leave us or forsake us. When I wake up in the morning, that’s a new blessing. I just thank God that he has brought me this far.”

Waldinger recommended that men “make an effort every day to be in touch with people. Find what you love — golf, gardening, birdwatching, pickleball, working on a political campaign — and pursue it,” he said. “Put yourself in a situation where you’re going to see the same people over and over again. Because that’s the most natural way conversations get struck up and friendships start to develop.”

Rousseau, the retired South Carolina doctor, said he doesn’t think about the future much. After feeling lost for several years, he moved across the country to Jackson, Wyoming, in the summer of 2023. He embraced solitude, choosing a remarkably isolated spot to live — a 150-square-foot cabin with no running water and no bathroom, surrounded by 25,000 undeveloped acres of public and privately owned land.

“Yes, I’m still lonely, but the nature and the beauty here totally changed me and focused me on what’s really important,” he told me, describing a feeling of redemption in his solitude.

Rousseau realizes that the death of his parents and a very close friend in his childhood left him with a sense of loss that he kept at bay for most of his life. Now, he said, rather than denying his vulnerability, he’s trying to live with it. “There’s only so long you can put off dealing with all the things you’re trying to escape from.”

It’s not the life he envisioned, but it’s one that fits him, Rousseau said. He stays busy with volunteer activities — cleaning tanks and running tours at Jackson’s fish hatchery, serving as a part-time park ranger, and maintaining trails in nearby national forests. Those activities put him in touch with other people, mostly strangers, only intermittently.

What will happen to him when this way of living is no longer possible?

“I wish I had an answer, but I don’t,” Rousseau said. “I don’t see my daughters taking care of me. As far as someone else, I don’t think there’s anyone else who’s going to help me.”

We’re eager to hear from readers about questions you’d like answered, problems you’ve been having with your care, and advice you need in dealing with the health care system. Visit kffhealthnews.org/columnists to submit your requests or tips.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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Happening in Springfield: New Immigrants Offer Economic Promise, Health System Challenges https://kffhealthnews.org/news/article/springfield-ohio-haitian-immigrants-trump-vance/ Thu, 10 Oct 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://kffhealthnews.org/?post_type=article&p=1927089 When Republican vice presidential candidate JD Vance claimed Haitian immigrants had caused infectious-disease rates to “skyrocket” in Springfield, Ohio, local health commissioner Chris Cook checked the records.

They showed that in 2023, for example, there were four active tuberculosis cases in Clark County, which includes Springfield, up from three in 2022. HIV cases had risen, but sexually transmitted illnesses overall were decreasing.

“I wouldn’t call it skyrocketing,” said Cook, noting that there were 190 active cases in 2023 in all of Ohio. “You hear the rhetoric. But as a whole, reportable infectious diseases to the health department are decreasing.”

Tensions are running high in this industrial town of about 58,000 people. Bomb threats closed schools and public buildings after GOP presidential nominee Donald Trump falsely claimed that Haitian immigrants — who he alleged were there illegally — were stealing and eating household pets. City and county officials disputed the claims the former president levied during his Sept. 10 debate with Vice President Kamala Harris, his Democratic opponent.

Trump was amplifying comments made by Vance that — along with his claims about the immigration status of this population — were broadly panned as false. When asked during a CNN interview about the debunked pet-eating rumor, Vance, a U.S. senator from Ohio, acknowledged that the image he created was based not on facts but on “firsthand accounts from my constituents.” He said he was willing “to create” stories to focus attention on how immigration can overrun communities.

But Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine, also a Republican, has said immigrants have been an economic boon to Springfield. Many began arriving because businesses in the town, which had seen its population decrease, needed labor.

Largely lost in the political rancor is the way Springfield and the surrounding area responded to the influx of Haitian immigrants. Local health institutions tried to address the needs of this new population, which had lacked basic public health care such as immunization and often didn’t understand the U.S. health system.

The town is a microcosm of how immigration is reshaping communities throughout the United States. In the Springfield area, Catholic charities, other philanthropies, volunteers, and county agencies have banded together over the past three to four years to tackle the challenge and connect immigrants who have critical health needs with providers and care.

For instance, a community health center added Haitian Creole interpreters. The county health department opened a refugee health testing clinic to provide immunizations and basic health screenings, operating on such a shoestring budget that it’s open only two days a week.

And a coalition of groups to aid the Haitian community was created about two years ago to identify and respond to immigrant community needs. The group meets once a month with about 55 or 60 participants. On Sept. 18, about a week after Trump ramped up the furor at the debate, a record 138 participants joined in.

“We have all learned the necessity of collaboration,” said Casey Rollins, director of Springfield’s St. Vincent de Paul, a nonprofit Catholic social services organization that has become a lifeline for many of the town’s Haitian immigrants. “There’s a lot of medical need. Many of the people have high blood pressure, or they frequently have diabetes.”

Several factors have led Haitians to leave their Caribbean country for the United States, including a devastating earthquake in 2010, political unrest after the 2021 assassination of Haiti’s president, and ongoing gang violence. Even when health facilities in the country are open, it can be too treacherous for Haitians to travel for treatment.

“The gangs typically leave us alone, but it’s not a guarantee,” said Paul Glover, who helps oversee the St. Vincent’s Center for children with disabilities in Haiti. “We had a 3,000-square-foot clinic. It was destroyed. So was the X-ray machine. People have been putting off health care.”

An estimated 12,000 to 15,000 Haitian immigrants live in Clark County, officials said. About 700,000 Haitian immigrants lived in the United States in 2022, according to U.S. Census data.

Those who have settled in the Springfield area are generally in the country legally under a federal program that lets noncitizens temporarily enter and stay in the United States under certain circumstances, such as for urgent humanitarian reasons, according to city officials.

The influx of immigrants created a learning curve for hospitals and primary care providers in Springfield, as well as for the newcomers themselves. In Haiti, people often go directly to a hospital to receive care for all sorts of maladies, and county officials and advocacy groups said many of the immigrants were unfamiliar with the U.S. system of seeing primary care doctors first or making appointments for treatment.

Many sought care at Rocking Horse Community Health Center, a nonprofit, federally qualified health center that provides mental health, primary, and preventive care to people regardless of their insurance status or ability to pay. Federally qualified health centers serve medically underserved areas and populations.

The center treated 410 patients from Haiti in 2022, up more than 250% from 115 in 2021, according to Nettie Carter-Smith, the center’s director of community relations. Because the patients required interpreters, visits often stretched twice as long.

Rocking Horse hired patient navigators fluent in Haitian Creole, one of the two official languages of Haiti. Its roving purple bus provides on-site health screenings, vaccinations, and management of chronic conditions. And this school year, it’s operating a $2 million health clinic at Springfield High.

Many Haitians in Springfield have reported threats since Trump and Vance made their town a focus of the campaign. Community organizations were unable to identify any immigrants willing to be interviewed for this story.

Hospitals have also felt the impact. Mercy Health’s Springfield Regional Medical Center also saw a rapid influx of patients, spokesperson Jennifer Robinson said, with high utilization of emergency, primary care, and women’s health services.

This year, hospitals also have seen several readmissions for newborns struggling to thrive as some new mothers have trouble breastfeeding or getting supplemental formula, county officials said. One reason: New Haitian immigrants must wait six to eight weeks to get into a program that provides supplemental food for low-income pregnant, breastfeeding, or non-breastfeeding postpartum women, as well as for children and infants.

At Kettering Health Springfield, Haitian immigrants come to the emergency department for nonemergency care. Nurses are working on two related projects, one focusing on cultural awareness for staff and another exploring ways to improve communication with Haitian immigrants during discharge and in scheduling follow-up appointments.

Many of the immigrants are able to get health insurance. Haitian entrants generally qualify for Medicaid, the state-federal program for the low-income and disabled. For hospitals, that means lower reimbursement rates than with traditional insurance.

During 2023, 60,494 people in Clark County were enrolled in Medicaid, about 25% of whom were Black, according to state data. That’s up from 50,112 in 2017, when 17% of the enrollees were Black. That increase coincides with the rise of the Haitian population.

In September, DeWine pledged $2.5 million to help health centers and the county health department meet the Haitian and broader community’s needs. The Republican governor has pushed back on the recent national focus on the town, saying the spread of false rumors has been hurtful for the community.

Ken Gordon, a spokesperson for the Ohio Department of Health, acknowledged the difficulties Springfield’s health systems have faced and said the department is monitoring to avert potential outbreaks of measles, whooping cough, and even polio.

People diagnosed with HIV in the county increased from 142 residents in 2018 to 178 to 2022, according to state health department data. Cook, the Clark County health commissioner, said the data lags by about 1.5 years.

But Cook said, “as a whole, all reportable infections to the health department are not increasing.” Last year, he said, no one died of tuberculosis. “But 42 people died of covid.”

Healthbeat is a nonprofit newsroom covering public health published by Civic News Company and KFF Health News. Sign up for its newsletters here.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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Watch: ‘Breaking the Silence Is a Step’ — Beyond the Lens of ‘Silence in Sikeston’ https://kffhealthnews.org/news/article/watch-beyond-the-lens-silence-in-sikeston/ Thu, 10 Oct 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://kffhealthnews.org/?post_type=article&p=1928306 KFF Health News Midwest correspondent Cara Anthony took a reporting trip to the small southeastern Missouri city of Sikeston and heard a mention of its hidden past. That led her on a multiyear reporting journey to explore the connections between a 1942 lynching and a 2020 police killing there — and what they say about the nation’s silencing of racial trauma. Along the way, she learned about her own family’s history with such trauma.

This formed the multimedia “Silence in Sikeston” project from KFF Health News, Retro Report, and WORLD as told through a documentary film, educational videos, digital articles, and a limited-series podcast. Hear about Anthony’s journey and join this conversation about the toll of racialized violence on our health and our communities.

Explore more of the “Silence in Sikeston”project:

LISTEN: The limited-series podcast is available on PRX, Apple Podcasts, Spotify, iHeart, or wherever you get your podcasts.

WATCH: The documentary film “Silence in Sikeston,” a co-production of KFF Health News and Retro Report, is now available to stream on WORLD’s YouTube channel, WORLDchannel.org, and the PBS app.

READ: KFF Health News Midwest correspondent Cara Anthony wrote an essay about what her reporting for this project helped her learn about her own family’s hidden past.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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This story can be republished for free (details).

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Silence in Sikeston: Is There a Cure for Racism? https://kffhealthnews.org/news/podcast/is-there-a-cure-for-racism/ Tue, 08 Oct 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://kffhealthnews.org/?p=1910343&post_type=podcast&preview_id=1910343 SIKESTON, Mo. — In the summer of 2021, Sikeston residents organized the biggest Juneteenth party in the city’s history. Sikeston police officers came too, both to provide security for the event and to try to build bridges with the community. But after decades of mistrust, some residents questioned their motives. 

In the series finale of the podcast, a confident, outspoken Sikeston teenager shares her feelings in an uncommonly frank conversation with Chief James McMillen, head of Sikeston’s Department of Public Safety, which includes Sikeston police. 

Host Cara Anthony asks what kind of systemic change is possible to reduce the burden of racism on the health of Black Americans. Health equity expert Gail Christopher says it starts with institutional leaders who recognize the problem, measure it, and take concrete steps to change things. 

“It is a process, and it’s not enough to march and get a victory,” Christopher said. “We have to transform the systems of inequity in this country.” 

Host

Cara Anthony Midwest correspondent, KFF Health News @CaraRAnthony Read Cara's stories Cara is an Edward R. Murrow and National Association of Black Journalists award-winning reporter from East St. Louis, Illinois. Her work has appeared in The New York Times, Time magazine, NPR, and other outlets nationwide. Her reporting trip to the Missouri Bootheel in August 2020 launched the “Silence in Sikeston” project. She is a producer on the documentary and the podcast’s host.

In Conversation With …

Gail Christopher Public health leader and health equity expert  click to open the transcript Transcript: Is There a Cure for Racism?

Editor’s note: If you are able, we encourage you to listen to the audio of “Silence in Sikeston,” which includes emotion and emphasis not found in the transcript. This transcript, generated using transcription software, has been edited for style and clarity. Please use the transcript as a tool but check the corresponding audio before quoting the podcast. 

[Ambient sounds from Sikeston, Missouri’s 2021 Juneteenth celebration — a DJ making an announcement over funky music, people chatting — begin playing.] 

Cara Anthony: It’s 2021. It’s hot and humid. We’re at a park in the heart of Sunset — Sikeston, Missouri’s historically Black neighborhood. 

Emory: Today is Juneteenth, baby. 

Cara Anthony: The basketball courts are jumping. And old-school funk is blaring from the speakers. Kids are playing. 

Cara Anthony: [Laughter] Are you enjoying the water?  

Cara Anthony: People are lining up for barbecue. 

I’ve been here reporting on the toll racism and violence can take on a community’s health. But today, I’m hoping to capture a little bit of Sikeston’s joy.  

Taneshia Pulley: When I look out to the crowd of my people, I see strength. I see power. I just see all magic. 

Cara Anthony: I drift over to a tent where people are getting their blood pressure, weight, and height checked … health screenings for free. 

Cara Anthony: I’m a journalist. 

Community Health Worker: Ooooh! Hi! Hi! 

Cara Anthony: The ladies working the booth are excited I’m there to report on the event. 

Cara Anthony: OK, and I’m a health journalist. 

Community health worker: Baby, that’s what I told them. Yeah, she healthy. [Laughter] 

[Dramatic instrumental music plays.] 

Cara Anthony: This Juneteenth gathering is happening a little over a year after Sikeston police officers shot and killed 23-year-old Denzel Taylor. 

We made a documentary about Denzel’s death and the death of another young Black man — also killed in Sikeston. 

Denzel was shot by police. Nearly 80 years earlier, Cleo Wright was lynched by a white mob. 

Both were killed before they got their day in court. 

In these years of reporting, what I’ve found is that many Black families worry that their kids don’t have an equal chance of growing up healthy and safe in Sikeston. 

[Dramatic instrumental ends.] 

Rosemary Owens: Being Black in the Bootheel can get you killed at any age. 

Cara Anthony: That’s Rosemary Owens. She raised her children here in Southeast Missouri. 

Cara Anthony: About 10 Sikeston police officers showed up to Juneteenth — for security and to connect with the community. Some are in uniform; some are in plain clothes. 

Rosemary has her doubts about why they came today. 

Cara Anthony: You see the police chief talking to people. What’s going through your mind as you see them milling about? 

Rosemary Owens: I hope they are real and wanting to close the gap between the African Americans and the white people. 

Anybody can come out and shake hands. But at the end of the day, did you mean what you said? Because things are still going on here in Sikeston, Missouri. 

Cara Anthony: For Rosemary, this brings to mind an encounter with the police from years ago. 

[Slow, minor, instrumental music plays softly.] 

When her son was maybe 16 years old, she says, she and her sister gave their boys the keys to their new cars — told them they could hang out in them. 

Rosemary had gotten her new car for Mother’s Day. 

Rosemary Owens: A brand-new red Dodge Caravan. We, we knew the boys were just going from the van to the car. You know, just showing out — they were boys. They weren’t driving. 

Cara Anthony: Someone nearby saw the boys …  

Rosemary Owens: … called and told the police that two Black men were robbing cars. 

 When the boys saw the police come up, there was three police cars. So they were like, something’s going on. So their intention, they were like, they were trying to run to us. And my brother said, stop. When they looked back, when the police got out of the car, they already had their guns drawn on my son and my nephew.  Cara Anthony: That’s what Rosemary thinks about when she sees Sikeston police at Juneteenth. 

[Slow, minor, instrumental music ends.] 

[“Silence in Sikeston” theme song plays.]  Cara Anthony: In this podcast series, we’ve talked about some of the ways racism makes Black people sick. But Juneteenth has me thinking about how we get free — how we STOP racism from making us sick. 

The public health experts say it’s going to take systemwide, institutional change. 

In this episode, we’re going to examine what that community-level change looks like — or at least what it looks like to make a start. 

From WORLD Channel and KFF Health News, distributed by PRX, this is “Silence in Sikeston.” 

Episode 4 is our final episode: “Is There a Cure for Racism?” 

[“Silence in Sikeston” theme song ends.] 

James McMillen: How you doing? 

Juneteenth celebration attendee: Good. Good.  

James McMillen: Good to see you, man.  

Juneteenth celebration attendee: What’s up? How are you?   

Cara Anthony: When I spot Sikeston’s director of public safety in his cowboy hat, sipping soda from a can, I head over to talk.  James McMillen: Well, you know, I just, I, I’m glad to be … on the inside of this. 

Cara Anthony: James McMillen leads the police department. He says he made it a point to come to Juneteenth. And he encouraged his officers to come, too. 

James McMillen: I remember as being a young officer coming to work here, not knowing anybody, driving by a park and seeing several Black people out there. And I remember feeling, you know, somewhat intimidated by that. And I don’t really know why. 

I hadn’t always been, um, that active in the community. And, um, I, I have been the last several years and I’m just wanting to teach officers to do the same thing. 

Cara Anthony: The chief told me showing up was part of his department’s efforts to repair relations with Sikeston’s Black residents. 

James McMillen: What’s important about this is, being out here and actually knowing people, I think it builds that trust that we need to have to prevent and solve crimes. 

Cara Anthony: A few minutes into our conversation, I notice a teenager and her friend nearby, listening. 

Cara Anthony: Yeah, we have two people who are watching us pretty closely. Come over here. Come over here. Tell us your names. 

Lauren: My name is Lauren. 

Michaiahes: My name is Michaiahes. 

Cara Anthony: Yeah. And what are you all … ? 

James McMillen: I saw you over there. 

Cara Anthony: So, what do you think about all of this?  

Michaiahes: Personally, I don’t even know who this is because I don’t mess with police because, because of what’s happened in the past with the police. But, um … 

Cara Anthony: As she starts to trail off, I encourage her to keep going. 

Cara Anthony: He’s right here. He’s in charge of all of those people. 

Michaiahes: Well, in my opinion, y’all should start caring about the community more. 

Cara Anthony: What are you hearing? She’s speaking from the heart here, Chief. What are you hearing? 

James McMillen: Well, you know what? I agree with everything she said there. 

Cara Anthony: She’s confident now, looking the chief in the eye. 

Michaiahes: And let’s just be honest: Some of these police officers don’t even want to be here today. They’re just here to think they’re doing something for the community. 

James McMillen: Let’s be honest. Some of these are assumptions that y’all are making about police that y’all don’t really know. 

[Subtle propulsive music begins playing.] 

Michaiahes: If we seen you protecting community, if we seen you doing what you supposed to do, then we wouldn’t have these assumptions about you. 

James McMillen: I just want to say that people are individuals. We have supervisors that try to keep them to hold a standard. And you shouldn’t judge the whole department, but, but just don’t judge the whole department off of a few. No more than I should judge the whole community off of a few. 

Cara Anthony: But here’s the thing … in our conversations over the years, Chief McMillen has been candid with me about how, as a rookie cop, he had judged Sikeston’s Black residents based on interactions with just a few. 

James McMillen: Some of, um, my first calls in the Black community were dealing with, obviously, criminals, you know? So if first impressions mean anything, that one set a bad one. I had, um, really unfairly judging the whole community based on the few interactions that I had, again, with majority of criminals. 

Cara Anthony: The chief says he’s moved past that way of thinking and he’s trying to help his officers move past their assumptions. 

And he told me about other things he wants to do …  

Hire more Black officers. Invest in racial-bias awareness education for the department. And open up more lines of communication with the community. 

James McMillen: I know that we are not going to see progress or we’re not going to see success without a little bit of pain and discomfort on our part. 

Cara Anthony: I don’t think I’ve ever heard the chief use the term institutional change, but the promises and the plans he’s making sound like steps in that direction. 

Except … here’s something else the chief says he wants …  

[Subtle propulsive music ends with a flourish.] 

James McMillen: As a police officer, I would like to hear more people talk about, um, just complying with the officer. 

Cara Anthony: That phrase is chilling to me. 

[Quiet, dark music starts playing.] 

When I hear “just comply” … a litany of names cross my mind. 

Philando Castile. 

Sonya Massey. 

Tyre Nichols. 

Cara Anthony: After Denzel Taylor was killed, people felt unsafe. I talked to a lot of residents on the record about them feeling like they didn’t know if they could be next. 

One thing that you told me was, like, well, one thing that people can do is comply with the officers, you know, if they find themselves having an interaction with law enforcement. 

James McMillen: Well, I mean, I think that’s, that’s a good idea to do. 

And if the person is not complying, that officer has got to be thinking, is this person trying to hurt me? So, asking people to comply with the officer’s command — that’s a reasonable statement. 

Cara Anthony: But, it’s well documented: Black Americans are more likely than our white peers to be perceived as dangerous by police. 

That perception increases the chances we’ll be the victim of deadly force. Whether we comply — or not. 

[Quiet, dark music ends.] 

That’s all to say … even with the promise of more Black officers in Sikeston and all the chief’s other plans, I’m not sure institutional change in policing is coming soon to Sikeston. 

[Sparse electronic music starts playing.] 

Cara Anthony: I took that worry to Gail Christopher. She has spent her long career trying to address the causes of institutional racism. 

Cara Anthony: We’ve been calling most of our guests by their first name, but what’s your preference? I don’t want to get in trouble with my mom on this, you know? [Cara laughs.] 

Gail Christopher: If you don’t mind, Dr. Christopher is good. 

Cara Anthony: OK. All right. That sounds good. I’m glad I asked. 

Cara Anthony: Dr. Christopher thinks a lot about the connections between race and health. And she’s executive director of the National Collaborative for Health Equity. Her nonprofit designs strategies for social change. 

She says the way to think about starting to fix structural racism … is to think about the future. 

Gail Christopher: What do you want for your daughter? What do I want for my children? I want them not to have interactions with the police, No. 1, right? 

Uh, so I want them to have safe places to be, to play, to be educated … equal access to the opportunity to be healthy. 

Cara Anthony: But I wonder if that future is even possible. 

[Sparse electronic music ends.] 

Cara Anthony: Is there a cure for racism? And I know it’s not that simple, but is there a cure? 

Gail Christopher: I love the question, right? And my answer to you would be yes. It is a process, and it’s not enough to march and get a victory. We have to transform the systems of inequity in this country. 

Cara Anthony: And Dr. Christopher says it is possible. Because racism is a belief system. 

[Hopeful instrumental music plays.] 

Gail Christopher: There is a methodology that’s grounded in psychological research and social science for altering our beliefs and subsequently altering our behaviors that are driven by those beliefs. 

Cara Anthony: To get there, she says, institutions need a rigorous commitment to look closely at what they are doing — and the outcomes they’re creating. 

Gail Christopher: Data tracking and monitoring and being accountable for what’s going on. 

We can’t solve a problem if we don’t admit that it exists. 

Cara Anthony: One of her favorite examples of what it looks like to make a start toward systemic change comes from the health care world. 

I know we’ve been talking about policing so far, but — bear with me here — we’re going to pivot to another way institutional bias kills people. 

A few years ago, a team of researchers at the Brigham and Women’s Hospital in Boston reviewed admission records for patients with heart failure. They found that Black and Latinx people were less likely than white patients to be admitted to specialized cardiology units. 

Gail Christopher: Without calling people racist, they saw the absolute data that showed that, wait a minute, we’re sending the white people to get the specialty care and we’re not sending the people of color. 

Cara Anthony: So, Brigham and Women’s launched a pilot program. 

When a doctor requests a bed for a Black or Latinx patient with heart failure, the computer system notifies them that, historically, Black and Latinx patients haven’t had equal access to specialty care. 

The computer system then recommends the patient be admitted to the cardiology unit. It’s still up to the doctor to actually do that. 

The hard data’s not published yet, but we checked in with the hospital, and they say the program seems to be making a difference. 

Gail Christopher: It starts with leadership. Someone in that system has the authority and makes the decision to hold themselves accountable for new results. 

[Hopeful instrumental music ends.] 

Cara Anthony: OK, so it could be working at a hospital. Let’s shift back to policing now. 

Gail Christopher: There should be an accountability board in that community, a citizens’ accountability board, where they are setting measurable and achievable goals and they are holding that police department accountable for achieving those goals. 

Cara Anthony: But, like, do Black people have to participate in this? Because we’re tired. 

Gail Christopher: Listen, do I know that we’re tired! Am I tired? After 50 years? Uh, I think that there is work that all people have to do. This business of learning to see ourselves in one another, to be fully human — it’s all of our work. 

[Warm, optimistic instrumental music plays.] 

Now, does that preclude checking out at times and taking care of yourself? I can’t tell you how many people my age who are no longer alive today, who were my colleagues and friends in the movement. But they died prematurely because of this lack of permission to take care of ourselves. 

Cara Anthony: Rest when you need to, she says, but keep going. 

Gail Christopher: We have to do that because it is our injury. It is our pain. And I think we have the stamina and the desire to see it change. 

Cara Anthony: Yep. Heard. It’s all of our work. 

Dr. Christopher has me thinking about all the Black people in Sikeston who aren’t sitting around waiting for someone else to change the institutions that are hurting them. 

People protested when Denzel Taylor was killed even with all the pressure to stay quiet about it. 

Protesters: Justice for Denzel on 3. 1, 2, 3 … Justice for Denzel! Again! 1, 2, 3 …  Justice for Denzel! 

Cara Anthony: And I’m thinking about the people who were living in the Sunset neighborhood of Sikeston in 1942 when Cleo Wright was lynched. 

Harry Howard: They picked up rocks and bricks and crowbars and just anything to protect our community. 

Cara Anthony: And Sunset did not burn. 

[Warm, optimistic instrumental music begins fading out.] 

[Piano starts warming up.] 

Cara Anthony: After nearly 80 years of mostly staying quiet about Cleo’s lynching, Sikeston residents organized a service to mark what happened to him — and their community. 

Reverend: We are so honored and humbled to be the host church this evening for the remembrance and reconciliation service of Mr. Cleo Wright. 

[Piano plays along with Pershard singing.] 

Pershard Owens: [Singing] It’s been a long, long time coming, but I know a change gonna come, oh yes it will. It’s been too hard a-livin but I’m afraid to die and I don’t know what’s up next, beyond the sky … 

[Pershard singing and piano accompaniment fade out.] 

Cara Anthony: I want to introduce you to that guy who was just singing then. His name is Pershard Owens. 

Remember Rosemary Owens? The woman who told us about someone calling the police on her son and nephew when they were playing with their parents’ new cars? Pershard is Rosemary’s younger son. 

Pershard Owens: Yeah, I definitely remember that. 

Cara Anthony: Even after all this time, other people didn’t want to talk to us about it. We couldn’t find news coverage of the incident. But Pershard remembers. He was in his weekly karate practice when it happened. He was 10 or 11 years old. 

Pershard Owens: My brother and cousin were, like, they were teens. So what do you think people are going to feel about the police when they do that, no questions asked, just guns drawn? 

Cara Anthony: Pershard’s dad works as a police officer on a different police force in the Bootheel. Pershard knows police. But that didn’t make it any less scary for him. 

Pershard Owens: You know, my parents still had to sit us down and talk and be like, “Hey, this is, that’s not OK, but you can’t, you can’t be a victim. You can’t be upset.” That’s how I was taught. So we acknowledge the past. But we don’t, we don’t stay down. 

Cara Anthony: So years later, when Chief James McMillen started a program as a more formal way for people in Sikeston and the police to build better relationships, Pershard signed up. They started meeting in 2020. 

The group is called Police and Community Together, or PACT for short. 

  [Sparse, tentative music begins playing.] 

Pershard Owens: It was a little tense that first couple of meetings because nobody knew what it was going to be. 

Cara Anthony: This was only five months after Sikeston police killed Denzel Taylor. 

PACT is not a citizens’ accountability board. The police don’t have to answer to it. 

The committee met every month. For a while. But they haven’t met in over a year now. 

Pershard Owens: We would have steps forward and then we would have three steps back. 

Cara Anthony: People have different accounts for why that is. Busy schedules. Mutual suspicion. Other things police officers have done that shook the trust of Black residents in Sikeston. 

Pershard Owens: And people were like, bro, like, how can you work with these people? 

The community is like, I can’t fully get behind it because I know what you did to my little cousin and them. Like, I know what the department did back in, you know, 15 years ago, and it’s hard to get past that. 

So, I mean, I’m getting both sides, like, constantly, and listen, that is, that is tough. 

[Sparse, tentative music ends.] 

Cara Anthony: But Pershard says something important changed because he started working with PACT. 

Pershard Owens: Chief did not like me at first [Pershard laughs]. He did not. 

Chief didn’t … me and Chief did not see eye to eye. Because he had heard things about me and he — people had told him that I was, I was anti-police and hated police officers, and he came in with a defense up. 

So, it took a minute for me and him to, like, start seeing each other in a different way. But it all happened when we sat down and had a conversation. 

[Slow instrumental music begins playing.] 

Cara Anthony: Just have a conversation. It sounds so simple; you’re probably rolling your eyes right now hearing it. 

But Pershard says … it could be meaningful. 

Pershard Owens: I truly want and believe that we can be together and we can work together and we can have a positive relationship where you see police and y’all dap each other up and y’all legit mean it. I think that can happen, but a lot of people have to change their mindsets. 

Cara Anthony: That’s a challenge Pershard is offering to police AND community members: Have a conversation with someone different from you. See if that changes the way you think about the person you’re talking to. See if it changes your beliefs. 

The more people do that, the more systems can change. 

Pershard Owens: We got to look in the mirror and say, “Am I doing what I can to try and change the dynamic of Sikeston, even if it does hurt?” 

Cara Anthony: Pershard says he’s going to keep putting himself out there. He ran for City Council in 2021. And even though he lost, he says he doesn’t regret it. 

Pershard Owens: When you’re dealing with a place like Sikeston, it’s not going to change overnight. 

Cara Anthony: And he’s glad he worked with PACT. Even if the community dialogue has fizzled for now, he’s pleased with the new relationship he built with Chief McMillen. And all of this has broadened his view of what kind of change is possible. 

[Slow instrumental music ends.] 

Pershard Owens: If you want something that has never been done, you have to go places that you’ve never been. 

[“Silence in Sikeston” theme music plays.] 

Cara Anthony: Places that you’ve never been … stories that you’ve never told out loud … maybe all of that helps build a Sikeston where Black residents can feel safer. Where Black people can live healthier lives. 

A world you might not be able to imagine yet, but one that could exist for the next generation. 

[“Silence in Sikeston” theme music ends.] 

[Upbeat instrumental music plays.] 

Cara Anthony: Thanks for listening to “Silence in Sikeston.” 

Next, go watch the documentary — it’s a joint production from Retro Report and KFF Health News, presented in partnership with WORLD. 

Subscribe to WORLD Channel on YouTube. That’s where you can find the film “Silence in Sikeston,” a Local, USA special. 

If you made it this far, thank you. Let me know how you’re feeling. 

I’d love to hear more about the conversations this podcast has sparked in your life. Leave us a voicemail at (202) 654-1366. 

And thanks to everyone in Sikeston for sharing your stories with us. 

This podcast is a co-production of WORLD Channel and KFF Health News and distributed by PRX. 

It was produced with support from PRX and made possible in part by a grant from the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation. 

This audio series was reported and hosted by me, Cara Anthony. 

Audio production by me, Zach Dyer. And me, Taylor Cook. 

Editing by me, Simone Popperl. 

And me, managing editor Taunya English. 

Sound design, mixing, and original music by me, Lonnie Ro. 

Podcast art design by Colin Mahoney and Tania Castro-Daunais. 

Tarena Lofton and Hannah Norman are engagement and social media producers for the show. 

Oona Zenda and Lydia Zuraw are the landing page designers. 

Lynne Shallcross is the photo editor, with photography from Michael B. Thomas. 

Thank you to vocal coach Viki Merrick. 

And thank you to my parents for all their support over the four years of this project. 

Music in this episode is from Epidemic Sound and Blue Dot Sessions. 

Some of the audio you heard across the podcast is also in the film. 

For that, special thanks to Adam Zletz, Matt Gettemeier, Roger Herr, and Philip Geyelin. 

Kyra Darnton is executive producer at Retro Report. 

I was a producer on the film. 

Jill Rosenbaum directed the documentary. 

Kytja Weir is national editor at KFF Health News. 

WORLD Channel’s editor-in-chief and executive producer is Chris Hastings. 

Help us get the word out about “Silence in Sikeston.” Write a review or give us a quick rating wherever you listen to this podcast. 

Thank you! It makes a difference. 

Oh yeah! And tell your friends in real life too!  

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Credits

Taunya English Managing editor @TaunyaEnglish Taunya is deputy managing editor for broadcast at KFF Health News, where she leads enterprise audio projects. Simone Popperl Line editor @simoneppprl Simone is broadcast editor at KFF Health News, where she shapes stories that air on Marketplace, NPR, and CBS News Radio, and she co-manages a national reporting collaborative. Zach Dyer Senior producer @zkdyer Zach is senior producer for audio with KFF Health News, where he supervises all levels of podcast production. Taylor Cook Associate producer @taylormcook7 Taylor is an independent producer who does research, books guests, contributes writing, and fact-checks episodes for several KFF Health News podcasts. Lonnie Ro Sound designer @lonnielibrary Lonnie Ro is an audio engineer and a composer who brings audio stories to life through original music and expert sound design for platforms like Spotify, Audible, and KFF Health News.

Additional Newsroom Support

Lynne Shallcross, photo editorOona Zenda, illustrator and web producerLydia Zuraw, web producerTarena Lofton, audience engagement producer Hannah Norman, video producer and visual reporter Chaseedaw Giles, audience engagement editor and digital strategistKytja Weir, national editor Mary Agnes Carey, managing editor Alex Wayne, executive editorDavid Rousseau, publisher Terry Byrne, copy chief Gabe Brison-Trezise, deputy copy chief Tammie Smith, communications officer 

The “Silence in Sikeston” podcast is a production of KFF Health News and WORLD. Distributed by PRX. Subscribe and listen on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon Music, iHeart, or wherever you get your podcasts.

Watch the accompanying documentary from WORLD, Retro Report, and KFF here.

To hear other KFF Health News podcasts, click here.

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Even Political Rivals Agree That Medical Debt Is an Urgent Issue https://kffhealthnews.org/news/article/medical-debt-bipartisan-issue-urgent/ Mon, 07 Oct 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://kffhealthnews.org/?post_type=article&p=1921871 While hot-button health care issues such as abortion and the Affordable Care Act roil the presidential race, Democrats and Republicans in statehouses around the country have been quietly working together to tackle the nation’s medical debt crisis.

New laws to curb aggressive hospital billing, to expand charity care for lower-income patients, and to rein in debt collectors have been enacted in more than 20 states since 2021.

Democrats championed most measures. But the legislative efforts often passed with Republican support. In a few states, GOP lawmakers led the push to expand patient protections.

“Regardless of their party, regardless of their background … any significant medical procedure can place people into bankruptcy,” Florida House Speaker Paul Renner, a conservative Republican, said in an interview. “This is a real issue.”

Renner, who has shepherded controversial measures to curb abortion rights and expand the death penalty in Florida, this year also led an effort to limit when hospitals could send patients to collections. It garnered unanimous support in the Florida Legislature.

Bipartisan measures in other states have gone further, barring unpaid medical bills from consumer credit reports and restricting medical providers from placing liens on patients’ homes.

About 100 million people in the U.S. are burdened by some form of health care debt, forcing millions to drain savings, take out second mortgages, or cut back on food and other essentials, KFF Health News has found. A quarter of those with debt owed more than $5,000 in 2022.

“Republicans in the legislature seem more open to protecting people from medical debt than from other kinds of debt,” said Marceline White, executive director of Economic Action Maryland, which helped lead efforts in that state to stop medical providers from garnishing the wages of low-income patients. That bill drew unanimous support from Democrats and Republicans

“There seems to be broad agreement that you shouldn’t lose your home or your life savings because you got ill,” White said. “That’s just a basic level of fairness.”

Medical debt remains a more polarizing issue in Washington, where the Biden administration has pushed several efforts to tackle the issue, including a proposed rule by the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, or CFPB, to bar all medical debt from consumer credit reports.

Vice President Kamala Harris, who is spearheading the administration’s medical debt campaign, has touted the work on the presidential campaign trail while calling for new efforts to retire health care debt for millions of Americans.

Former President Donald Trump doesn’t typically talk about medical debt while stumping. But congressional Republicans have blasted the CFPB proposal, which House Financial Services Committee Chairman Patrick McHenry (R-N.C.) called “regulatory overreach.”

Nevertheless, pollster Michael Perry, who has surveyed Americans extensively about health care, said that conservative voters typically wary of government seem to view medical debt through another lens. “I think they feel it’s so stacked against them that they, as patients, don’t really have a voice,” he said. “The partisan divides we normally see just aren’t there.”

When Arizona consumer advocates put a measure on the ballot in 2022 to cap interest rates on medical debt, 72% of voters backed the initiative.

Similarly, nationwide polls have found more than 80% of Republicans and Democrats back limits on medical debt collections and stronger requirements that hospitals provide financial aid to patients.

Perry surfaced something else that may be driving bipartisan interest in medical debt: growing mistrust as health systems get bigger and act more like major corporations. “Hospitals aren’t what they used to be,” he said. “That is making it clear that profit and greed are driving lots of the decision-making.”

Not every state effort to address medical debt has garnered broad bipartisan support.

When Colorado last year became the first state to bar medical debt from residents’ credit reports, just one Republican lawmaker backed the measure. A Minnesota bill that did the same thing this year passed without a single GOP vote.

But elsewhere, similarly tough measures have sailed through.

A 2024 Illinois bill to bar credit reporting for medical debt passed unanimously in the state Senate and cleared the House of Representatives 109-2. In Rhode Island, not a single GOP lawmaker opposed a credit reporting ban.

And when the California Legislature took up a 2021 bill to require hospitals in the state to provide more financial assistance to patients, it passed 72-0 in the state Assembly and 39-0 in the Senate.

Even some conservative states, such as Oklahoma, have taken steps, albeit more modest. A new law there bars medical providers from pursuing patients for debts if the provider has not publicly posted its prices. The measure, signed by the state’s Republican governor, passed unanimously.

New Mexico state Sen. Steve Neville, a Republican who backed legislation to restrict aggressive collections against low-income patients in that state, said he was simply being pragmatic.

“There was not much advantage to spending a lot of time trying to do collections on indigent patients,” Neville said. “If they don’t have the money, they don’t have the money.” Three of 12 GOP senators supported the measure.

North Carolina state Treasurer Dale Folwell, a Republican who as a state legislator spearheaded a 2012 effort to ban same-sex marriage, said all elected officials, no matter their party, should care about what medical debt is doing to patients.

“It doesn’t matter if, as a conservative, I’m saying these things, or if Bernie Sanders is saying these things,” Folwell said, referencing Vermont’s liberal U.S. senator. “At the end of the day, it should be all our jobs to advocate for the invisible.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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Incluso los rivales políticos coinciden en que es urgente resolver el problema de la deuda médica https://kffhealthnews.org/news/article/incluso-los-rivales-politicos-coinciden-en-que-es-urgente-resolver-el-problema-de-la-deuda-medica/ Mon, 07 Oct 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://kffhealthnews.org/?post_type=article&p=1930134 Mientras temas candentes de atención médica como el aborto y la Ley de Cuidado de la Salud a Bajo Precio (ACA) agitan la carrera presidencial, silenciosamente, en las legislaturas estatales de todo el país, demócratas y republicanos han estado trabajando juntos para abordar la crisis de la deuda médica en la nación.

Desde 2021, en más de 20 estados se han promulgado nuevas leyes para frenar la facturación abusiva de los hospitales, ampliar la atención caritativa a los pacientes con ingresos más bajos y frenar a los recaudadores de deudas.

Los demócratas impulsaron la mayoría de las medidas. Pero estas iniciativas legislativas a menudo fueron aprobadas también con el apoyo de los republicanos. Incluso, en algunos estados, los legisladores republicanos lideraron los proyectos para ampliar la protección a los pacientes.

“Independientemente de cuál sea su partido político, independientemente de su origen… cualquier procedimiento médico importante puede llevar a las personas a la bancarrota”, dijo en una entrevista el presidente de la Cámara de Representantes de Florida, Paul Renner, un republicano conservador. “Este es un problema real”.

Renner, que ha liderado controversiales medidas para frenar el derecho al aborto y ampliar la pena de muerte en Florida, también encabezó este año un proyecto para limitar los casos en los que los hospitales podían enviar las cuentas impagas de los pacientes a agencias de cobros. Obtuvo el apoyo unánime de la Legislatura de Florida.

Las medidas bipartidistas adoptadas en otros estados han ido más lejos, prohibiendo que estas facturas médicas figuren en los informes crediticios de los consumidores y restringiendo la posibilidad de que los proveedores médicos embarguen las viviendas de los pacientes.

Según KFF Health News, unas 100 millones de personas en el país están agobiadas por algún tipo de deuda relacionada con la atención médica, lo que obliga a millones a utilizar sus ahorros, pedir segundas hipotecas o recortar los gastos en alimentos y otros artículos de primera necesidad. Una cuarta parte de quienes tienen deudas debían más de $5.000 en 2022.

“En la Legislatura, los republicanos parecen más abiertos a proteger a la gente de la deuda médica que de cualquier otro tipo de deuda”, opinó Marceline White, directora ejecutiva de Economic Action Maryland, una organización sin fines de lucro que ayudó a liderar los esfuerzos en ese estado para detener a los proveedores médicos que pretendían embargar los salarios de los pacientes de bajos ingresos. El proyecto de ley recibió el apoyo unánime de demócratas y republicanos.

“Parece existir un amplio consenso en que no se debe perder la casa o los ahorros de toda la vida por haberse enfermado”, dijo White. “Es un nivel básico de justicia”.

La deuda médica sigue siendo un tema controversial en Washington, donde la administración Biden ha impulsado varias iniciativas para abordar el problema, incluida una propuesta de reglamentación por parte de la Oficina de Protección Financiera del Consumidor (CFPB), que prohibiría que cualquier deuda médica aparezca en los informes de crédito de los consumidores.

La vicepresidenta Kamala Harris, que encabeza la iniciativa del gobierno contra la deuda médica, se ha referido a estas iniciativas en la campaña presidencial. Harris también ha pedido que se refuercen las medidas para ayudar a millones de estadounidenses a pagar su deuda médica.

El ex presidente Donald Trump no suele hablar de la deuda médica cuando hace campaña. Pero los congresistas republicanos han criticado la propuesta de la CFPB, que el presidente del Comité de Servicios Financieros de la Cámara, Patrick McHenry (del Comité Nacional Republicano), calificó de “extralimitación regulatoria”.

Sin embargo, el encuestador Michael Perry, que ha investigado ampliamente lo que opinan los estadounidenses sobre la atención médica, comentó que los votantes conservadores, que suelen desconfiar del gobierno, parecen ver la deuda médica de otra manera. “Creo que sienten que está todo tan en su contra que ellos, como pacientes, realmente no tienen voz”, explicó. “Las divisiones políticas que normalmente vemos, en esta cuestión simplemente no están presentes”.

Cuando los defensores de los consumidores de Arizona propusieron en las boletas electorales de 2022 una medida para limitar los tipos de interés de las deudas médicas, el 72% de los votantes se pronunció a favor de la iniciativa.

Del mismo modo, encuestas a nivel nacional han revelado que más del 80% de los republicanos y demócratas respaldan la implementación de límites en los cobros de deudas médicas y que se fijen requisitos más estrictos para que los hospitales ofrezcan ayuda financiera a los pacientes.

Perry sacó a relucir otro factor que puede estar impulsando el interés de ambos partidos por la deuda médica: la creciente desconfianza de los ciudadanos a medida que los sistemas de salud se hacen más grandes y actúan como grandes corporaciones. “Los hospitales ya no son lo que eran”, dijo. “Eso está dejando claro que el lucro y la codicia son los que están dirigiendo gran parte de la toma de decisiones”.

No obstante, no todos los esfuerzos estatales para hacer frente a la deuda médica han obtenido un amplio apoyo tanto de demócratas como de republicanos.

El año pasado, cuando Colorado se convirtió en el primer estado que prohibió la inclusión de las deudas médicas en los informes de crédito de los residentes, sólo un legislador republicano respaldó la medida.

Y en Minnesota un proyecto de ley similar se aprobó este año sin un solo voto del Partido Republicano.

En otros lugares, medidas igual de estrictas se han aprobado sin inconvenientes.

Por ejemplo en Illinois, este año, se votó por unanimidad en el senado estatal, y se aprobó por 109 votos a favor y dos en contra en la Cámara de Representantes, un proyecto de ley que prohíbe el reporte de deuda médica en los informes de crédito.

En Rhode Island ningún legislador del Partido Republicano se opuso a la prohibición del reporte de crédito.

Finalmente, cuando la Legislatura de California examinó un proyecto de ley de 2021  para exigir a los hospitales del estado que proporcionen más asistencia financiera a los pacientes, la propuesta fue aprobada por 72 votos a favor y ninguno en contra en la Asamblea estatal y por 39 a 0 en el Senado.

Incluso algunos estados conservadores, como Oklahoma, han tomado medidas, aunque más modestas. Una nueva ley prohíbe a los proveedores médicos reclamar deudas a los pacientes si no han hecho públicas sus tarifas. La resolución, firmada por el gobernador republicano del estado, fue apoyada por unanimidad.

Steve Neville, senador republicano por Nuevo México, que respaldó una ley para restringir los cobros abusivos a pacientes de bajos ingresos en ese estado, dijo que simplemente estaba siendo pragmático.

“No era muy beneficioso dedicar mucho tiempo a intentar cobrar a pacientes indigentes”, dijo Neville. “Si no tienen dinero, no tienen dinero”. Tres de los 12 senadores republicanos apoyaron la medida.

El tesorero estatal de Carolina del Norte, Dale Folwell, republicano que como legislador estatal encabezó en 2012 un intento para prohibir el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo, dijo que todos los funcionarios electos, sin que importe su partido, deberían preocuparse por el modo en que las deudas médicas están afectando a los pacientes.

“No importa si, como conservador, estoy diciendo estas cosas, o si Bernie Sanders está diciendo estas mismas cosas”, dijo Folwell, en referencia al senador liberal de Vermont. “Al fin y al cabo, todos deberíamos asumir la responsabilidad de defender a aquellos que permanecen invisibles ante la sociedad”.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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Trump Leads, and His Party Follows, on Vaccine Skepticism https://kffhealthnews.org/news/article/trump-vaccine-skepticism-mandates-republican-platform/ Fri, 04 Oct 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://kffhealthnews.org/?post_type=article&p=1921479 More than four years ago, former President Donald Trump’s administration accelerated the development and rollout of the covid-19 vaccine. The project, dubbed Operation Warp Speed, likely saved millions of lives. But a substantial number of Republican voters now identify as vaccine skeptics — and Trump rarely mentions what’s considered one of the great public health accomplishments in recent memory.

“The Republicans don’t want to claim it,” Trump told an interviewer in late September.

Instead, on at least 17 occasions this year, Trump has promised to cut funding to schools that mandate vaccines. Campaign spokespeople have previously said that pledge would apply only to schools with covid mandates. But speeches reviewed by KFF Health News included no such distinction — raising the possibility Trump would also target vaccination rules for common, potentially lethal childhood diseases like polio and measles.

The Trump campaign did not respond to requests for comment on this article.

Trump has presided over a landslide shift in his party’s views on vaccines, reflected this campaign season in false claims by Republican candidates during the primaries and puzzling conspiracies from prominent conservative voices. Republicans increasingly express worry about the risks of vaccines. A September 2023 poll from Politico and Morning Consult showed a narrow majority of those voters cared more about the risks than the benefits of getting inoculated.

A surge in anti-vaccine policy in statehouses has followed the rhetoric. Boston University political scientist Matt Motta, who tracks public health policy, said preliminary data shows that states enacted at least 42 anti-vaccine bills in 2023 — nearly a ninefold surge since 2019.

In some states, it has the look of a crusade: The 2024 Texas GOP platform, for example, proposes a ban on mRNA technology, the innovation behind some covid-19 vaccines that scientists believe could have significant applications for cancer care.

Last month, Trump made an appeal to anti-vaccine voters by landing the endorsement of Robert F. Kennedy Jr., one of the nation’s most prominent vaccine skeptics — and appointing him to his transition team. In a recent tour with former Fox News broadcaster Tucker Carlson, Kennedy said he was “going to be deeply involved in helping to choose the people who run FDA, NIH, and CDC.”

Trump’s outreach can be more discreet: He recently met with a delegation of vaccine-skeptical activists — including one group pushing an end to mandates and certain types of vaccines — at his New Jersey golf club; the discussion was publicized by the conservative blog “Gateway Pundit.”

Trump has options in advancing anti-vaccine goals as president, such as by sowing further doubt and undermining the federal government’s ability to make vaccine recommendations. He has promised to appoint Kennedy, along with “top experts,” to a panel exploring chronic diseases, some of which Kennedy’s nonprofit has linked to inoculations. “Nobody’s done more” to advocate for “the health of our families and our children,” Trump declared at a rally accepting Kennedy’s endorsement.

Still, it’s hard to tell how Trump’s most frequently made proposal — defunding schools that mandate vaccinations — would translate into action, said Judith Winston, former general counsel of the Department of Education during the Obama administration.

Currently, the Department of Education lacks the power to turn off public school funding all at once, she said — meaning a second Trump administration would have to take away money program by program.

And the legal basis for such a move isn’t clear. “I am unaware of any federal law that mandates school districts either provide or not provide a vaccine,” Winston said, adding it would probably require congressional action.

All 50 states have a vaccine requirement tied to school attendance.

Trump’s outreach to anti-vaccine constituencies comes as vaccine hesitancy increases and preventable disease surges. This summer, Oregon experienced its worst outbreak of measles since 1991.

The situation could get worse, said Tom Frieden, a former director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention: In the Nineties, during a time when vaccine skepticism also proliferated, the U.S. saw thousands of measles cases. According to the CDC, we haven’t yet returned to those bad old days — but the number of measles cases recorded this year is already quadruple that of last year.

“It was highly disruptive,” he said. “Many children who had measles ended up with hearing problems or cognitive problems that were lifelong. A small number died in this country.”

Worldwide, the disease killed over 100,000 in 2022, mostly among children under age 5, according to the World Health Organization.

Polling shows a substantial minority of Americans, concentrated in the Republican Party, hold vaccine-skeptical positions, said Harvard professor and health politics expert Robert Blendon. And skepticism about covid vaccines is blossoming into suspicion of vaccines generally among that group, he said. “It follows from this rebellion against the covid vaccine mandates.”

Vaccine opposition has divided the GOP. Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis made opposition to vaccines a core part of his ill-fated campaign for the GOP presidential nomination. In states such as Wyoming and Missouri, pitched primary campaigns centered on anti-vaccine themes this year.

Bob Onder, a physician and Republican candidate for Congress in Missouri, was accused in Facebook ads placed by his top opponent of taking millions from pharmaceutical companies to test vaccines. “He profited from our pain,” one ad said. “You suffered the consequences.”

Onder “has never done covid vaccine research” and opposes covid vaccine mandates, his campaign manager, Charley Lovett, told KFF Health News. (Lovett said Onder “conducted” one study sponsored by AstraZeneca on preventing covid in high-risk patients using monoclonal antibodies, not vaccines.)

Onder won the Republican primary, but his vaccine-disparaging opponent still scored just over 37% of the vote.

Anti-vaccine candidates typically become anti-vaccine policymakers. The impact can be seen in Texas, where vaccine politics were once a bipartisan matter. According to researchers, from 2009 to 2019, legislators there passed 19 pro-vaccine bills, such as a measure allowing pharmacists to administer immunizations.

But that consensus began to shift toward the end of the decade. Small groups, often nurtured on Facebook, made their influence felt. One such group, Texans for Vaccine Choice, spurred testimony before the state legislature in 2021 and targeted pro-immunization legislators, some of whom fell in their GOP primaries.

Misinformation has fueled the anti-vaccine turn in Texas, alongside traditional conservative attitudes about individual autonomy, said Summer Wise, a former executive committee member of the state’s Republican Party — particularly misconceptions about the use of fetal cells in vaccine development; falsified research about a link between vaccines and autism; and conspiracy theories about Bill Gates, the billionaire philanthropist who has championed vaccination.

“Politicians see vaccines as an easy foil to propagate fear among the electorate, which can then be leveraged and directed to control a voting bloc,” Wise said.

In addition to calling for a ban on mRNA technology, the Texas GOP’s 2024 platform features a laundry list of policies that could undermine vaccination, including allowing medical residents and physicians the ability to opt out of administering shots for religious reasons. It also calls for enshrining a patient’s ability to opt out of vaccine mandates in the state’s Bill of Rights.

Nationally, anti-immunization policies could take an aggressive turn under a second Trump administration.

Roger Severino, formerly head of the Department of Health and Human Services’ Office of Civil Rights and now with the Heritage Foundation, penned the health agency section of Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation-led initiative to plan for a Republican administration.

Among other ideas, the document proposes clipping CDC authority to issue vaccine or quarantine guidance of a “prescriptive” nature, targeted at schools or elsewhere.

A spokesperson for the Heritage Foundation noted Severino has said the agency’s credibility has been hurt, and it has a burden to explain “all the vaccines on the schedule being taken in combination.”

The proposal misunderstands CDC’s history and powers, said Lawrence Gostin, a public health law professor at Georgetown University. The agency “rarely if ever” makes binding recommendations, he said.

“When the next pandemic hits, we will look to CDC to offer guidance based on the best-known evidence,” he said. “We don’t want a disempowered agency in a public health emergency.”

Some Republican intellectuals have spun dystopian visions surrounding vaccines. Take “Dawn’s Early Light,” a yet-to-be-published book by Heritage president Kevin Roberts. The tome — which earned a glowing foreword by Republican vice presidential nominee JD Vance — reserves especially sharp words for vaccines.

In one section of the book, Roberts imagines that the federal government would somehow use alleged new capabilities to “deplatform drivers” of cars for “failing to follow the latest vaccine mandate.”

“Yet another powerful tool of social control falls into place,” he wrote.

Healthbeat is a nonprofit newsroom covering public health published by Civic News Company and KFF Health News. Sign up for its newsletters here.

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Trump lidera el escepticismo por las vacunas, y el partido lo sigue https://kffhealthnews.org/news/article/trump-lidera-el-escepticismo-por-las-vacunas-y-el-partido-lo-sigue/ Fri, 04 Oct 2024 09:00:00 +0000 https://kffhealthnews.org/?post_type=article&p=1930153 Hace más de cuatro años, la administración del ex presidente Donald Trump aceleró el desarrollo y la implementación de la vacuna contra covid-19. El proyecto, llamado Operación Warp Speed, probablemente salvó millones de vidas. Sin embargo, un número considerable de votantes republicanos ahora se definen como escépticos de las vacunas, y Trump rara vez menciona lo que se considera uno de los grandes logros de salud pública en la memoria reciente.

“Los republicanos no quieren reivindicarlo”, dijo Trump en una entrevista a finales de septiembre.

En cambio, al menos en 17 ocasiones este año, Trump ha prometido cortar los fondos a las escuelas que exigen vacunas.

Los voceros de la campaña han dicho previamente que esta promesa solo se aplicaría a las escuelas con mandatos relacionados con covid. Pero los discursos revisados por KFF Health News no incluían tal distinción, lo que genera la posibilidad de que Trump también apunte a las normas de vacunación para enfermedades infantiles comunes, y potencialmente letales, como la polio y el sarampión.

La campaña de Trump no respondió a las solicitudes de comentarios para este artículo.

Trump ha liderado un cambio radical en la visión de su partido sobre las vacunas, reflejado esta temporada de campaña en afirmaciones falsas de candidatos republicanos durante las primarias y en teorías conspirativas desconcertantes de voces conservadoras prominentes.

Cada vez más, los republicanos expresan preocupación por los riesgos de las vacunas. Una encuesta de septiembre de 2023 de Politico y Morning Consult mostró que una pequeña mayoría de esos votantes se preocupaba más por los riesgos que por los beneficios de vacunarse.

Un aumento en las políticas antivacunas en las legislaturas estatales ha seguido la retórica. Matt Motta, politólogo de la Universidad de Boston que rastrea la política de salud pública, dijo que los datos preliminares muestran que los estados promulgaron al menos 42 proyectos de ley antivacunas en 2023, un incremento casi nueve veces mayor desde 2019.

En algunos estados, parece una cruzada: la plataforma del Partido Republicano de Texas para 2024, por ejemplo, propone una prohibición de la tecnología de ARNm, la innovación detrás de algunas vacunas contra covid-19 que los científicos creen podría tener aplicaciones significativas en el tratamiento del cáncer.

En septiembre, Trump apeló a los votantes antivacunas al obtener el respaldo de Robert F. Kennedy Jr., uno de los personajes públicos anti vacunas más prominentes del país, y nombrarlo en su equipo de transición. En una gira reciente con el ex locutor de Fox News Tucker Carlson, Kennedy dijo que estaría “profundamente involucrado en ayudar a elegir a las personas que dirigen la FDA, los NIH y los CDC”.

El alcance de Trump puede ser más discreto: recientemente se reunió con una delegación de activistas escépticos de las vacunas, incluido un grupo que aboga por el fin de los mandatos y ciertos tipos de vacunas, en su club de golf en Nueva Jersey; la reunión fue publicitada por el blog conservador “Gateway Pundit”.

Trump tiene opciones para avanzar en los objetivos antivacunas como presidente, como sembrar más dudas y socavar la capacidad del gobierno federal para hacer recomendaciones sobre vacunas. Ha prometido nombrar a Kennedy, junto con “los mejores expertos”, para un panel que explore enfermedades crónicas, algunas de las cuales la organización sin fines de lucro de Kennedy ha vinculado con las vacunas.

“Nadie ha hecho más” para abogar por “la salud de nuestras familias y nuestros hijos”, declaró Trump en un mitín aceptando el respaldo de Kennedy.

Aun así, es difícil saber cómo se traduciría en la práctica la propuesta más frecuente de Trump: quitar fondos a las escuelas que exigen vacunas, dijo Judith Winston, ex consejera general del Departamento de Educación durante la administración de Obama.

Actualmente, el Departamento de Educación no tiene la facultad de cortar la financiación de las escuelas públicas de una vez, dijo, lo que significa que una segunda administración de Trump tendría que retirar el dinero programa por programa.

Y la base legal para tal medida no está clara. “No tengo conocimiento de ninguna ley federal que exija a los distritos escolares proporcionar o no proporcionar una vacuna”, dijo Winston, y agregó que probablemente requeriría la acción del Congreso.

Los 50 estados tienen un requisito de vacunación vinculado a la asistencia escolar.

El acercamiento de Trump a los sectores antivacunas ocurre en un momento de aumento de la vacilación hacia las vacunas y un resurgimiento de enfermedades prevenibles. Este verano, Oregon experimentó su peor brote de sarampión desde 1991.

La situación podría empeorar, dijo Tom Frieden, ex director de los Centros para el Control y Prevención de Enfermedades (CDC): en los 90, cuando también proliferó el escepticismo hacia las vacunas, Estados Unidos vio miles de casos de sarampión. Según los CDC, aún no se ha vuelto a esos malos tiempos, pero el número de casos de sarampión registrados este año ya es cuatro veces mayor que el del año pasado.

“Fue muy perturbador”, dijo. “Muchos niños que tuvieron sarampión terminaron con problemas de audición o problemas cognitivos de por vida. Un pequeño número murió en este país”. A nivel mundial, la enfermedad mató a más de 100,000 personas en 2022, en su mayoría niños menores de 5 años, según la Organización Mundial de la Salud.

Las encuestas muestran que una minoría sustancial de estadounidenses, concentrada en el Partido Republicano, sostiene posiciones escépticas respecto a las vacunas, dijo Robert Blendon, profesor de Harvard y experto en política sanitaria. “Es una continuación de esta rebelión contra los mandatos de vacunación contra el covid”.

La oposición a las vacunas ha dividido al Partido Republicano. El gobernador de Florida, Ron DeSantis, hizo de la oposición a las vacunas una parte central de su fallida campaña para la nominación presidencial republicana. En estados como Wyoming y Missouri, este año se libraron intensas campañas primarias centradas en temas antivacunas.

Bob Onder, médico y candidato republicano al Congreso en Missouri, fue acusado en anuncios de Facebook colocados por su principal oponente de recibir millones de las compañías farmacéuticas para probar vacunas. “Él se benefició de nuestro dolor”, decía uno de los anuncios. “Tú sufriste las consecuencias”.

Onder “nunca ha realizado investigaciones sobre la vacuna contra covid” y se opone a los mandatos de vacunas, dijo su gerente de campaña, Charley Lovett, a KFF Health News. (Lovett dijo que Onder “realizó” un estudio patrocinado por AstraZeneca sobre la prevención del covid en pacientes de alto riesgo mediante el uso de anticuerpos monoclonales, no vacunas).

Onder ganó la primaria republicana, pero su oponente antivacunas aún obtuvo poco más del 37% de los votos.

Los candidatos antivacunas suelen convertirse en legisladores antivacunas. El impacto se puede ver en Texas, donde la política de vacunas solía ser un tema bipartidista. Según los investigadores, de 2009 a 2019, los legisladores aprobaron 19 proyectos de ley a favor de las vacunas, como una medida que permitía a los farmacéuticos administrar inmunizaciones.

Pero ese consenso comenzó a cambiar hacia el final de la década. Pequeños grupos, a menudo surgidos en Facebook, hicieron sentir su influencia. Uno de esos grupos, Texans for Vaccine Choice, impulsó testimonios ante la Legislatura estatal en 2021 y atacó a los legisladores pro inmunización, algunos de los cuales cayeron en sus primarias republicanas.

La desinformación ha alimentado el giro anti vacunas en Texas, junto con las actitudes conservadoras tradicionales sobre la autonomía individual, dijo Summer Wise, ex miembro del comité ejecutivo del Partido Republicano del estado, particularmente ideas erróneas sobre el uso de células fetales en el desarrollo de vacunas; investigaciones falsificadas sobre un vínculo entre las vacunas y el autismo; y teorías conspirativas sobre Bill Gates, el filántropo multimillonario que ha defendido la vacunación.

“Los políticos ven las vacunas como un objetivo fácil para propagar el miedo entre el electorado, que luego puede ser aprovechado y dirigido para controlar un bloque de votantes”, dijo Wise.

Además de pedir una prohibición de la tecnología de ARNm, la plataforma del Partido Republicano de Texas para 2024 incluye una lista de políticas que podrían socavar la vacunación, como permitir que los residentes médicos y los médicos opten por no administrar vacunas por motivos religiosos. También pide consagrar la capacidad de un paciente para optar por no vacunarse en la Declaración de Derechos del estado.

A nivel nacional, las políticas anti inmunización podrían tomar un giro agresivo bajo una segunda administración de Trump.

Roger Severino, ex jefe de la Oficina de Derechos Civiles del Departamento de Salud y Servicios Humanos y ahora con la Fundación Heritage, redactó la sección de la agencia de salud del Proyecto 2025, la iniciativa liderada por Heritage Foundation para planificar una administración republicana.

Entre otras ideas, el documento propone recortar la autoridad de los CDC para emitir orientación sobre vacunas o cuarentenas de naturaleza “prescriptiva”, dirigida a las escuelas o en otros lugares.

Un vocero de la Heritage Foundation señaló que Severino dijo que la credibilidad de la agencia se ha visto afectada y que tiene la carga de explicar que “todas las vacunas del calendario se toman en combinación”.

La propuesta malinterpreta la historia y los poderes de los CDC, dijo Lawrence Gostin, profesor de derecho de salud pública en la Universidad de Georgetown. La agencia “rara vez” hace recomendaciones vinculantes, dijo.

“Cuando llegue la próxima pandemia, recurriremos a los CDC para que nos ofrezcan orientación basada en la evidencia más conocida”, dijo. “No queremos una agencia sin poderes en una emergencia de salud pública”.

Algunos intelectuales republicanos han elaborado visiones distópicas en torno a las vacunas. Como ejemplo, “Dawn’s Early Light”, un libro aún no publicado del presidente de Heritage, Kevin Roberts. El texto, que recibió un prólogo entusiasta del candidato republicano a la vicepresidencia, JD Vance, reserva palabras especialmente duras para las vacunas.

En una sección del libro, Roberts imagina que el gobierno federal usaría de alguna manera supuestas nuevas capacidades para “desplazar a los conductores” de automóviles por “no seguir el último mandato de vacunación”.

“Otra poderosa herramienta de control social entra en juego”, escribió.

Healthbeat es una redacción sin fines de lucro que cubre temas de salud pública, que publica Civic News Company y KFF Health News. Regístrese para recibir sus boletines aquí.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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